Iran–United States relations

Pahlavi Iran–United States relations
Diplomatic mission
Embassy of Iran, Washington, D.C.	Embassy of the United States, Tehran

Iran–United States relations
Diplomatic mission
Interests Section in the; Pakistani Embassy,; Washington, D.C.	Interests Section in the; Swiss Embassy,; Tehran
Envoy
Director of the Interest Section Mehdi Atefat	United States Special Representative for Iran Abram Paley

Iran and the United States have had no formal diplomatic relations since 7 April 1980.^[1] Instead, Pakistan serves as Iran's protecting power in the United States, while Switzerland serves as the United States' protecting power in Iran. Contacts are carried out through the Iranian Interests Section of the Pakistani Embassy in Washington, D.C.,^[2] and the US Interests Section of the Swiss Embassy in Tehran.^[3] In August 2018, Supreme Leader of Iran Ali Khamenei banned direct talks with the United States.^[4] According to the US Department of Justice, Iran has since attempted to assassinate US officials and dissidents, including US President Donald Trump.^[5]^[6]

Relations between the two nations began in the mid-to-late 19th century, when Iran was known to the west as Qajar Persia. Persia was very wary of British and Russian colonial interests during the Great Game. By contrast, the United States was seen as a more trustworthy foreign power, and the Americans Arthur Millspaugh and Morgan Shuster were even appointed treasurers-general by the Shahs of the time. During World War II, Persia was invaded by the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, both US allies, but relations continued to be positive after the war until the later years of the government of Mohammad Mosaddegh, who was overthrown by a coup organized by the Central Intelligence Agency and aided by MI6. This was followed by an era of close alliance between Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi's authoritarian regime and the US government,^[1] Persia being one of the US's closest allies during the Cold War,^[7]^[8]^[9] which was in turn followed by a dramatic reversal and disagreement between the two countries after the 1979 Iranian Revolution.^[1]^[10]

Iranian explanations for the animosity with the United States include “the natural and unavoidable conflict between the Islamic system” and “such an oppressive power as the United States, which is trying to establish a global dictatorship and further its own interests by dominating other nations and trampling on their rights”, as well as the United States support for Israel ("the Zionist entity").^[11]^[12] In the West, however, different explanations have been considered,^[1] including the Iranian government's need for an external bogeyman to furnish a pretext for domestic repression against pro-democratic forces and to bind the government to its loyal constituency.^[13] The United States attributes the worsening of relations to the 1979–81 Iran hostage crisis,^[1] Iran's repeated human rights abuses since the Islamic Revolution, different restrictions on using spy methods on democratic revolutions by the US, its anti-Western ideology and its nuclear program.^[14]^[15]

Since 1995, the United States has had an embargo on trade with Iran.^[16] In 2015, the United States led successful negotiations for a nuclear deal (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) intended to place substantial limits on Iran's nuclear program, including IAEA inspections and limitations on enrichment levels. In 2016, most sanctions against Iran were lifted.^[17]^[18]^[19] The Trump administration unilaterally withdrew from the nuclear deal and re-imposed sanctions in 2018, initiating what became known as the "maximum pressure campaign" against Iran.^[20] In response, Iran gradually reduced its commitments under the nuclear deal and eventually exceeded pre-JCPOA enrichment levels.^[21]

According to a 2013 BBC World Service poll, 5% of Americans view Iranian influence positively, with 87% expressing a negative view, the most unfavorable perception of Iran in the world.^[22] On the other hand, research has shown that most Iranians hold a positive attitude about the American people, though not the US government.^[23]^[24] According to a 2019 survey by IranPoll, 13% of Iranians have a favorable view of the United States, with 86% expressing an unfavourable view, the most unfavorable perception of the United States in the world.^[25] According to a 2018 Pew poll, 39% of Americans say that limiting the power and influence of Iran should be a top foreign policy priority.^[26] Relations tend to improve when the two countries have overlapping goals, such as repelling Sunni militants during the Iraq War and the intervention against the Islamic State in the region.^[27]

Early historical relations

American newspapers in the 1720s were uniformly pro-Iranian, especially during the revolt of Afghan emir Mahmud Hotak (r. 1722–1725) against the Safavid dynasty.^[28]

Political relations between Qajar Persia and the United States began when the Shah of Iran, Nassereddin Shah Qajar, officially dispatched Iran's first ambassador, Mirza Abolhasan, to Washington, D.C. in 1856.^[29] In 1883, Samuel G. W. Benjamin was appointed by the United States as the first official diplomatic envoy to Iran; however, ambassadorial relations were not established until 1944.^[29]

The US had little interest in Persian affairs, while the US as a trustworthy outsider did not suffer. The Persians again sought the US for help in straightening out its finances after World War I. This mission was opposed by powerful vested interests and eventually was withdrawn with its task incomplete.^[30]

Until World War II, relations between Iran and the United States remained cordial. As a result, many Iranians sympathetic to the Persian Constitutional Revolution came to view the US as a "third force" in their struggle to expel British and Russian dominance in Persian affairs. American industrial and business leaders were supportive of Iran's drive to modernize its economy and to expel British and Russian influence from the country.^[31]

The US Consulate at Arg e Tabriz sits in the line of fire during the Iranian Constitutional Revolution. While the city was being attacked and bombed by 4,000 Russian troops in December 1911, Howard Baskerville took to arms, helping the people of Iran.
Americans wearing jobbeh va kolah (traditional Persian clothes) at the opening of the Majles, January 29, 1924. Mr. McCaskey, Dr. Arthur Millspaugh, and Colonel MacCormack are seen in the photo.
Morgan Shuster and US officials at Atabak Palace, Tehran, 1911. Their group was appointed by Iran's parliament to reform and modernize Iran's Department of Treasury and Finances.
McCormick Hall, American College of Tehran, circa 1930, chartered by the State University of New York in 1932. Americans also founded Iran's first modern College of Medicine in the 1870s.
Joseph Plumb Cochran, American Presbyterian missionary. He is credited as the founder of Iran's first modern medical school.
American Memorial School in Tabriz, established in 1881

20th century relations

During the Persian Constitutional Revolution in 1909, American Howard Baskerville died in Tabriz while fighting with a militia in a battle against royalist forces.^[32] After the Iranian parliament appointed United States financier Morgan Shuster as Treasurer General of Iran in 1911, an American was killed in Tehran by gunmen thought to be affiliated with Russian or British interests. Shuster became even more active in supporting the Constitutional Revolution of Iran financially.^[33]

The American Embassy first reported to the Iran desk at the Foreign Office in London about the popular view of Britain's involvement in the 1921 coup that brought Reza Shah to power.^[34]^[35]

In 1936, Iran withdrew its ambassador in Washington for nearly one year after the publication of an article criticizing Reza Shah in the New York Daily Herald.^[36]

Reign of the last Shah of Iran

The Shah with Harry S. Truman in 1949
The Shah with Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1959
The Shah with John F. Kennedy and Robert McNamara in 1962
The Shah with Richard Nixon in 1969

Iran's border with the Soviet Union, and its position as the largest, most powerful country in the oil-rich Persian Gulf, made Iran a "pillar" of US foreign policy in the Middle East.^[37] Prior to the Iranian Revolution of 1979, many Iranian citizens, especially students, resided in the United States and had a positive and welcoming attitude toward America and Americans.^[10] In the 1970s, approximately 25,000 American technicians were deployed to Iran to maintain military equipment (such as F-14s) that had been sold to the Shah's government.^[38] From 1950 to 1979, an estimated 800,000 to 850,000 Americans had visited or lived in Iran, and had often expressed their admiration for the Iranian people.^[10]

Prime Minister Mossadeq and his overthrow

In 1953, the government of prime minister Mohammed Mossadeq was overthrown in a coup organized by the CIA and MI6. Many liberal Iranians believe that the coup and the subsequent U.S. support for the shah proved largely responsible for his arbitrary rule, which led to the "deeply anti-American character" of the 1979 revolution.^[39] One result of the 1953 coup was that the U.S. took about 40% of Britain's share of Iranian oil, as part of the wider transition from British to American dominance in the region and worldwide.^[40]

Until the outbreak of World War II, the United States had no active policy toward Iran.^[41] When the Cold War began, the United States was alarmed by the attempt by the Soviet Union to set up separatist states in Iranian Azerbaijan and Kurdistan, as well as its demand for military rights to the Dardanelles in 1946. This fear was enhanced by the loss of China to communism, the uncovering of Soviet spy rings, and the start of the Korean War.^[42]

U.S. President Harry S. Truman pressed Britain to moderate its position in the negotiations and to not invade Iran. American policies created a feeling in Iran that the United States was on Mossadeq's side and optimism that the oil dispute would soon be settled with "a series of innovative proposals", giving Iran "significant amounts of economic aid". Mossadeq visited Washington, and the American government made "frequent statements expressing support for him."^[43]

At the same time, the United States honored the British embargo and, without Truman's knowledge, the Central Intelligence Agency station in Tehran had been "carrying out covert activities" against Mosaddeq and the National Front "at least since the summer of 1952".^[44]

1953 Iranian coup d'état

President Lyndon Johnson welcoming the Shah at the White House while Iranians protest, 1967

In 1953, the U.S. and Britain orchestrated a coup to overthrow Iran’s Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq, fearing communist influence and economic instability after Iran nationalized its oil industry. The coup, led by the CIA and MI6, initially failed but succeeded on a second attempt, reinstalling the Shah, who received significant U.S. financial and military support. The U.S. helped establish SAVAK, the Shah’s brutal secret police, to maintain his rule. While initially seen as a Cold War success, the coup later became a source of deep resentment, with critics calling it a blow to democracy and a lasting stain on U.S.-Iran relations.

Nuclear support

The U.S. helped Iran create its nuclear program in 1957 by providing Iran its first nuclear reactor and nuclear fuel, and after 1967 by providing Iran with weapons grade enriched uranium.^[45]^[46]^[47]

Iran's nuclear program was launched as part of the Atoms for Peace program.^[46] The participation of the U.S. and Western European governments continued until the 1979 Iranian Revolution.^[48] After that while the non-aligned nations had actively supported Iran's right to enrich uranium for years, the U.S. and E.U. assert that Iran poses the greatest threat to international peace. The United States has reported Arab support for its stance on Iran here.^[a] However, in multiple polls,^[b] Arab people have indicated that they do not see it as a serious threat. They consider Israel and America a danger.^[40] The United States reached a deal in 2015 to limit Iran's nuclear capabilities. Sanctions relief under the terms of the deal freed over 100 billion dollars in frozen assets overseas for Iran and increased foreign access to the Iranian economy. In return, Iran agreed not to engage in certain activities, including research and development of a nuclear bomb. The United States withdrew from the deal in 2018.^[40]

Cultural relations

Relations in the cultural sphere remained cordial until 1979. Pahlavi University, Sharif University of Technology, and Isfahan University of Technology, three of Iran's top academic universities, were directly modeled on private American institutions such as the University of Chicago, MIT, and the University of Pennsylvania.^[49]^[50] The Shah was generous in awarding American universities with financial gifts. For example, the University of Southern California received an endowed chair of petroleum engineering, and a million dollar donation was given to the George Washington University to create an Iranian Studies program.^[49]

Growth of oil revenues

In the 1960s and 1970s, Iran's oil revenues grew considerably. Starting in the mid-1960s, this "weakened U.S. influence in Iranian politics" while strengthening the power of the Iranian state vis-a-vis the Iranian public. According to scholar Homa Katouzian, this put the United States "in the contradictory position of being regarded" by the Iranian public "as the chief architect and instructor of the regime," while "its real influence" in domestic Iranian politics and policies "declined considerably".^[51]

James Bill and other historians have said that between 1969 and 1974 U.S. President Richard Nixon actively recruited the Shah as an American puppet and proxy.^[52] However, Richard Alvandi argues that it worked the other way around, with the Shah taking the initiative. President Nixon, who had first met the Shah in 1953, regarded him as a westernizing anticommunist statesman who deserved American support now that the British were withdrawing from the region. They met in 1972 and the Shah agreed to buy large quantities of American military hardware, and took responsibility for ensuring political stability and fighting off Soviet subversion throughout the region.^[53]

Carter administration 1977-1981

Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, Shah of Iran, shakes hands with a US Air Force general officer prior to his departure from the United States

In the late 1970s, American President Jimmy Carter emphasized human rights in his foreign policy, but went easy in private with the Shah.^[54] By 1977, Iran had garnered unfavorable publicity in the international community for its bad human rights record.^[55] That year, the Shah responded to Carter's "polite reminder" by granting amnesty to some prisoners and allowing the Red Cross to visit prisons. Through 1977, liberal opposition formed organizations and issued open letters denouncing the Shah's regime.^[56]^[57]

Carter angered anti-Shah Iranians with a New Year's Eve 1978 toast to the Shah in which he said:

Under the Shah's brilliant leadership Iran is an island of stability in one of the most troublesome regions of the world. There is no other state figure whom I could appreciate and like more.^[58]

Observers disagree over the nature of United States policy toward Iran under Carter as the Shah's regime crumbled. According to historian Nikki Keddie, the Carter administration followed "no clear policy" on Iran.^[59] The US National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski "repeatedly assured Pahlavi that the U.S. backed him fully". At the same time, officials in the State Department believed the revolution was unstoppable.^[60] After visiting the Shah in 1978, Secretary of the Treasury W. Michael Blumenthal complained of the Shah's emotional collapse.^[61] Brzezinski and Energy Secretary James Schlesinger were adamant in assurances that the Shah would receive military support.

Sociologist Charles Kurzman argues that the Carter administration was consistently supportive of the Shah and urged the Iranian military to stage a "last-resort coup d'état".^[62]^[63]

Islamic Revolution

The Islamic Revolution (1978–1979) ousted the Shah and replaced him with the anti-American Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.^[64] The United States government State Department and intelligence services "consistently underestimated the magnitude and long-term implications of this unrest".^[65] Six months before the revolution culminated, the CIA had produced a report stating that "Iran is not in a revolutionary or even a 'prerevolutionary' situation."^[66]^[67]

Revolutionary students feared the power of the United States, particularly the CIA, to overthrow a new Iranian government. One source of this concern was a book by CIA agent Kermit Roosevelt Jr. titled Countercoup: The Struggle for Control of Iran. Many students had read excerpts from the book and thought that the CIA would attempt to implement this countercoup strategy.^[68]

Khomeini referred to America as the "Great Satan"^[69] and instantly got rid of the Shah's prime minister, replacing him with politician Mehdi Bazargan. Until this point, the Carter administration was still hoping for normal relationships with Iran, sending its National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski.

The Islamic revolutionaries wished to extradite and execute the ousted Shah, and Carter refused to give him any further support or help return him to power. The Shah, suffering from terminal cancer, requested entry into the United States for treatment. The American embassy in Tehran opposed the request, as they were intent on stabilizing relations between the new interim revolutionary government of Iran and the United States.^[57] However, President Carter agreed to let the Shah in, after pressure from Henry Kissinger, Nelson Rockefeller and other pro-Shah political figures. Iranians' suspicion that the Shah was actually trying to conspire against the Iranian Revolution grew; thus, this incident was often used by the Iranian revolutionaries to justify their claims that the former monarch was an American puppet, and this led to the storming of the American embassy by radical students allied with Khomeini.^[57]

The hostage crisis and its consequences

On November 4, 1979, Iranian student revolutionaries, with Ayatollah Khomeini’s approval, seized the U.S. embassy in Tehran, holding 52 American diplomats hostage for 444 days in response to the U.S. granting asylum to the deposed Shah. The crisis, seen in Iran as a stand against American influence and in the U.S. as a violation of diplomatic law, led to failed rescue attempts and lasting damage to Iran-U.S. relations. Six Americans escaped via the CIA-Canadian "Canadian Caper" operation, later dramatized in the film Argo.
As a response to the seizure of the embassy, Carter's Executive Order 12170 froze about $12 billion in Iranian assets,^[70] including bank deposits, gold and other properties. They were the first of a number of international sanctions against Iran.^[71]

The crisis ended with the Algiers Accords in January 1981. Under the terms of the agreement and Iran's compliance, the hostaged diplomats were allowed to leave Iran. One of the chief provisions of the Accords was that the United States would lift the freeze on Iranian assets and remove trade sanctions.^[72] The diplomatic ties remain severed, with Switzerland and Pakistan handling each country's interests.

Reagan administration 1981–1989

Iran–Iraq War

American intelligence and logistical support played a crucial role in arming Iraq in the Iran–Iraq War. However, Bob Woodward states that the United States gave information to both sides, hoping "to engineer a stalemate".^[73] In search for a new set or order in this region, Washington adopted a policy designed to contain both sides economically and militarily.^[74] During the second half of the Iran–Iraq War, the Reagan administration pursued several sanction bills against Iran; on the other hand, it established full diplomatic relations with Saddam Hussein's Ba'athist government in Iraq by removing it from the US list of State Sponsors of Terrorism in 1984.^[74] According to the U.S. Senate Banking Committee, the administrations of Presidents Reagan and George H. W. Bush authorized the sale to Iraq of numerous dual-use items, including poisonous chemicals and deadly biological viruses, such as anthrax and bubonic plague.^[75] The Iran–Iraq War ended with both agreeing to a ceasefire in 1988.

1983: Hezbollah bombings

Hezbollah, an Iran-backed Shi'ite Islamist group, has carried out multiple anti-American attacks, including the 1983 U.S. Embassy bombing in Beirut (killing 63, including 17 Americans), the Beirut barracks bombing (killing 241 U.S. Marines), and the 1996 Khobar Towers bombing. U.S. courts have ruled Iran responsible for these attacks, with evidence showing Hezbollah operated under Iran’s direction and that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei authorized the Khobar Towers bombing.

1983: Anti-communist purge

According to the Tower Commission report:

In 1983, the U.S. helped bring to the attention of Tehran the threat inherent in the extensive infiltration of the government by the communist Tudeh Party and Soviet or pro-Soviet cadres in the country. Using this information, the Khomeini government took measures, including mass executions, that virtually eliminated the pro-Soviet infrastructure in Iran.^[76]

Iran–Contra Affair

To evade congressional rules regarding an arms embargo, officials in President Ronald Reagan's administration arranged in the mid-1980s to sell arms to Iran in an attempt to improve relations and obtain their influence in the release of hostages held in Lebanon. Oliver North of the National Security Council diverted proceeds from the arms sale to fund anti-Marxist Contra rebels in Nicaragua.^[77]^[78] In November 1986, Reagan issued a statement denying the arms sales.^[79] One week later, he confirmed that weapons had been transferred to Iran, but denied that they were part of an exchange for hostages.^[78] Later investigations by Congress and an independent counsel disclosed details of both operations and noted that documents relating to the affair were destroyed or withheld from investigators by Reagan administration officials on national security grounds.^[80]^[81]

United States attack of 1988

In 1988, the U.S. launched Operation Praying Mantis in retaliation for Iran mining the Persian Gulf during the Iran–Iraq War, following Operation Nimble Archer. It was the largest American naval operation since World War II, with strikes that destroyed two Iranian oil platforms and sank a major warship. Iran sought reparations at the International Court of Justice, but the court dismissed the claim. The attack helped pressure Iran into agreeing to a ceasefire with Iraq later that year.

1988: Iran Air Flight 655

On July 3, 1988, during the Iran–Iraq War, the U.S. Navy's USS Vincennes mistakenly shot down Iran Air Flight 655, a civilian Airbus A300B2, killing 290 people. The U.S. initially claimed the aircraft was a warplane and outside the civilian air corridor, but later acknowledged the downing was an accident in a combat zone. Iran, however, argued it was gross negligence and sued the U.S. in the International Court of Justice, resulting in compensation for the victims' families. The U.S. expressed regret, calling it a tragic accident, while the Vincennes crew received military honors.

George H. W. Bush administration 1989–1993

Newly elected U.S. president George H. W. Bush announced a "goodwill begets goodwill" gesture in his inaugural speech on 20 January 1989. The Bush administration urged President of Iran Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani to use Iran's influence in Lebanon to obtain the release of the remaining US hostages held by Hezbollah. Bush indicated there would be a reciprocal gesture toward Iran by the United States.^[82]

Relevant background events during the first year of Bush's administration include the ending of the Iran–Iraq War and the death of Ayatollah Khomeini.^[83] Khomeini believed he had a sacred duty to purge Iran of what he saw as Western corruption and moral decay, aiming to restore the country to religious purity under Islamic theocratic rule.^[83]
In 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait,^[83] which led to the Gulf War. The U.S. persuaded Iran to vote in favor of UN resolution 678 - which issued an ultimatum for Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait - by promising to lift its objections to a series of World Bank loans. The first loan, totaling $250 million, was approved just one day before the ground assault on Iraq began.^[84] The war ended on 28 February 1991.^[83]

Clinton administration 1993–2001

In April 1995, a total embargo on dealings with Iran by American companies was imposed by President Bill Clinton. This ended trade, which had been growing following the end of the Iran–Iraq War.^[85] The next year, the American Congress passed the Iran-Libya Sanctions act, designed to prevent other countries from making large investments in Iranian energy. The act was denounced by the European CC as invalid.^[86]

Khatami and Iranian reformers

In January 1998, newly elected Iranian President Mohammad Khatami called for a "dialogue of civilizations" with the United States. In the interview, Khatami invoked Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America to explain similarities between American and Iranian quests for freedom. American Secretary of State Madeleine Albright responded positively. This brought free travel between the countries as well as an end to the American embargo of Iranian carpets and pistachios. Relations then stalled due to opposition from Iranian conservatives and American preconditions for discussions, including changes in Iranian policy on Israel, nuclear energy, and support for terrorism.^[87]

Inter-Parliamentary (Congress-to-Majlis) informal talks

On August 31, 2000, four United States Congress members, Senator Arlen Specter, Representative Bob Ney, Representative Gary Ackerman, and Representative Eliot L. Engel held informal talks in New York City with several Iranian leaders. The Iranians included Mehdi Karroubi, speaker of the Majlis of Iran (Iranian Parliament); Maurice Motamed, a Jewish member of the Majlis; and three other Iranian parliamentarians.^[88]

George W. Bush administration, 2001–2009

Iran–United States relations during the George W. Bush administration (2001–2009) were marked by heightened tensions, mutual distrust, and periodic attempts at limited engagement. Following the September 11 attacks in 2001, Iran initially was sympathetic with the United States.^[89] However, relations deteriorated sharply after President George W. Bush labeled Iran part of the "Axis of Evil" in 2002, accusing the country of pursuing weapons of mass destruction that posed a threat to the U.S.^[90]^[91] In 2003, Swiss Ambassador Tim Guldimann relayed an unofficial proposal to the U.S. outlining a possible "grand bargain" with Iran. He claimed it was developed in cooperation with Iran, but it lacked formal Iranian endorsement, and the Bush administration did not pursue the offer.^[92]^[93]^[94]

Between 2003 and 2008, Iran accused the United States of repeatedly violating its territorial sovereignty through drone incursions,^[95]^[96] covert operations, and support for opposition groups.^[97]^[98] In August 2005, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad became Iran's president. During his presidency, attempts at dialogue, including a personal letter to President Bush,^[99] were dismissed by U.S. officials,^[100] while public tensions grew over Iran’s nuclear program, U.S. foreign policy, and Ahmadinejad’s controversial remarks at international forums. The United States intensified covert operations against Iran, including alleged support for militant groups such as PEJAK and Jundullah, cross-border activities, and expanded CIA and Special Forces missions. Iran was repeatedly accused by the U.S. of arming and training Iraqi insurgents, including Shiite militias and groups linked to Hezbollah, with American officials citing captured weapons, satellite images, and detainee testimonies. During this period, additional flashpoints included the U.S. raid on Iran's consulate in Erbil, sanctions targeting Iranian financial institutions, a naval dispute in the Strait of Hormuz, and the public disclosure of covert action plans against Iran.

Obama administration 2009–2017

Iran–United States relations during the Obama administration (2009–2017) were defined by a shift from confrontation to cautious engagement, culminating in the landmark nuclear agreement of 2015.

Trump administration, first term 2009–2017

Citizens of Iran and several other countries were temporarily banned from entering the United States by the executive order "Protecting the Nation From Foreign Terrorist Entry Into the United States" of 27 January 2017. It did not allow Iranian citizens or those suspected of being Iranian citizens entry into the US, including Iranian passport holders, except for transit. All passengers and crew members of any nationality had to ensure they do not have Iranian entry stamps in their passports. There are no direct flights between Iran and the USA so all travel must transit through a third country, and no Iranian aircraft may enter USA airspace.

The Trump administration was seen as having embarked on the path of strengthening an informal coalition with Saudi Arabia, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and other Sunni Gulf states, with a view to rolling back Iran's influence in the region.^[101]

While during his campaign Donald Trump had denounced the JCPOA as "the worst deal ever negotiated" and a disaster that could lead to a nuclear holocaust,^[102] in April 2017, the Trump administration certified that Iran was in compliance with the JCPOA.^[103]

Between January and late July 2017, Twitter had identified and shut down over 7,000 accounts created by Iranian influence operations.^[104]

Khamenei has publicly and repeatedly "banned" any negotiations with the United States

In July 2017, the vast majority of congressional Democrats and Republicans voted in favor of the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) that grouped together sanctions against Iran, Russia and North Korea.^[105]^[106] On 2 August 2017, Iranian Deputy Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi stated that, "In our view the nuclear deal has been violated".^[106] In September 2017, speaking to the UN General Assembly, the countries′ presidents exchanged offensive remarks and expressed opposing views on the JCPOA.^[107]^[108]

In May 2018, Donald Trump decided to pull out of the JCPOA, announcing he would reimpose economic sanctions on Iran effective from 4 November that year.^[109] In response, the Iranian president Hassan Rouhani said that if needed he would "begin our industrial enrichment without any limitations".^[110] On 5 July, Iran threatened to close off the Strait of Hormuz if U.S. decided to re-impose oil sanctions on Iran following US withdrawal from the JCPOA.^[111]

In late July 2018, against the backdrop of a harsh exchange of threats between the presidents of the U.S. and Iran, a large tanker flying a Saudi flag and transporting some 2 million barrels of oil to Egypt was struck in the Bab-el-Mandeb strait near the port of Hodeida by the Houthi rebels in Yemen, believed to be armed and financed by Iran. The incident, which made Saudi Arabia halt oil shipments through the strait, was seen by analysts as greatly escalating tensions.^[112]^[113] It was reported that the Trump administration was conducting a program to foment various opposition groups in Iran.^[114]

On 13 August 2018, Iranian Supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei banned direct talks with U.S., referring to the failure of the previous ones.^[4] "There will be no war, nor will we negotiate with the US" and "Even if we ever—impossible as it is—negotiated with the US, it would never ever be with the current US administration," Khamenei said.^[115] He added that the United States never budges on the primary goal they pursue in negotiations, which are normally based on give and take, and "reneges on its own end of the bargain" after the negotiation.^[116] In November 2018, all the sanctions removed in 2015 were re-imposed on Iran by the Trump administration.^[117]

In October 2018 the International Court of Justice provisionally ordered the United States to cancel its sanctions against Iran, relying on the 1955 Treaty of Amity.^[118] In response, the United States withdrew from the treaty.^[118]

On 7 March 2019, Acting U.S. ambassador to the United Nations Jonathan Cohen, in a letter to Secretary-General António Guterres, urged the United Nations to put new sanctions on Iran for its new missile activities.^[119]

IRGC and U.S. Armed Forces terrorist designations

The United States has opposed the activities of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) based on "the group's growing involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as its support for extremists throughout the Middle East".^[120] On 8 April 2019, the US Department of State announced its intent to brand the IRGC a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), effective April 15.^[121]

The Iranian parliament responded by ratifying a motion designating "all legal and real persons and troops of the United States and its allies operating in the West Asian region" terrorists, calling any aid to them a terrorist act and pressing the government to defuse the threat of IRGC designation through multilateral negotiations with international organizations.^[122] The nonbinding resolution cited "the terrorist nature of the United States regime, particularly that part of the American military and security forces and the US Central Command which have been carrying out acts of terrorism in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, and Iran in the past quarter-century, and have given overt support to terrorist plans."^[123] Soon after, the Supreme National Security Council cited similar concerns in declaring the IRGC designation dangerous and illegal, the United States a "terrorist government" and CENTCOM its primary "terrorist organization".^[124]^[125]

The US State Department Special Briefing also warned against increasing involvement of the IRGC forces in the Syrian conflict:

We believe this is an alarming trend. It's borne out by the facts and it merits closer inspection as we evaluate the landscape of terrorist activity globally. Add to this, of course, is the deepening commitment both Iran and Hezbollah have made to fight and kill on behalf of the Assad regime in Syria. That involvement, of course, is hardening the conflict and threatening to spread the violence across the region. Hezbollah and the Iranian leadership share a similar world view and strategic vision and are seeking to exploit the current unrest in the region to their advantage. This approach has increased sectarian tensions and conflict and serves further as a destabilizing force during a time of great change throughout the region.^[126]

Michael Rubin, a senior research fellow with the American Enterprise Institute, said he feared the IRGC designation "might exculpate the rest of the regime when, in reality, the IRGC's activities cannot be separated from the state leadership of Supreme Leader Khamenei or President Ahmadinejad".^[127] The Iranian newspaper Kayhan quoted the commander of Iran's elite Revolutionary Guards as threatening to deal heavier blows against the United States in response to the designation.^[128] Mohammad Khatami, former Reforms Front Iranian President hoped to "remind those in the U.S. Congress or elsewhere working for the benefit of the American nation to stand against these measures or the wall between the two countries grow taller and thicker".^[129]

This would be the first time that official armed units of sovereign states are included in a list of banned terrorist groups.^[130] Kaveh L. Afrasiabi, a former consultant to the UN's program of Dialogue Among Civilizations,^[131] stated in Asia Times Online that the move has possible legal implications: "Under international law, it could be challenged as illegal, and untenable, by isolating a branch of the Iranian government for selective targeting. This is contrary to the 1981 Algiers Accords' pledge of non-interference in Iran's internal affairs by the US government".^[132] News leaks about the prospective designation worried European governments and private sector firms, which could face prosecution in American courts for working with the IRGC.^[133]

In April 2019 the U.S. threatened to sanction countries continuing to buy oil from Iran after an initial six-month waiver announced in November 2018 expired.^[134] According to the BBC, U.S. sanctions against Iran "have led to a sharp downturn in Iran's economy, pushing the value of its currency to record lows, quadrupling its annual inflation rate, driving away foreign investors, and triggering protests."^[135] In December 2018, Iran's President Hassan Rouhani warned: "If one day they want to prevent the export of Iran's oil, then no oil will be exported from the Persian Gulf."^[136]

Escalation in tensions

Tensions between Iran and the United States escalated in May 2019, with the U.S. deploying more military assets to the Persian Gulf region after receiving intelligence reports of an alleged "campaign" by Iran and its "proxies" to threaten U.S. forces and Strait of Hormuz oil shipping. American officials pointed to threats against commercial shipping and potential attacks by militias with Iranian ties on American troops in Iraq while also citing intelligence reports that included photographs of missiles on dhows and other small boats in the Persian Gulf, supposedly put there by Iranian paramilitary forces. The United States feared they could be fired at its Navy.^[137]^[138]^[139]

On 5 May, U.S. national security adviser John Bolton announced that the U.S. was deploying the USS Abraham Lincoln Carrier Strike Group and four B-52 bombers to the Middle East to "send a clear and unmistakable message" to Iran following Israeli intelligence reports of an alleged Iranian plot to attack U.S. forces in the region. Bolton said, "The United States is not seeking war with the Iranian regime, but we are fully prepared to respond to any attack."^[140]^[141] The deployed USS Abraham Lincoln is in the Arabian Sea, outside the Persian Gulf.^[142]

On 7 May, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo made a surprise midnight visit to Baghdad after canceling a meeting with German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Pompeo told Iraqi President Barham Salih and Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi that they had a responsibility to protect Americans in Iraq. On 8 May, an advisor to Ayatollah Khamenei stated Iran was confident the U.S. was both unwilling and unable to start a war with Iran. On the same day, Iran announced that it would reduce its commitment to the JCPOA nuclear deal, which the U.S. pulled out of in May 2018. Iranian President Hassan Rouhani set a 60-day deadline for the EU and world powers to rescue the current deal before it resumed higher uranium enrichment. The United States Air Forces Central Command announced that F-15C Eagle fighter jets were repositioned within the region to "defend U.S. forces and interests in the region."^[143] On 10 May, the U.S. deployed the Marine transport ship USS Arlington and a Patriot SAM battery to the Middle East. The Pentagon said the buildup was in response to "heightened Iranian readiness to conduct offensive operations."^[144] On September 10, after the resignation of U.S. national security advisor John R. Bolton, Iran stated that his resignation will not lead to talks between Washington and Tehran.^[145] On September 16, Iran said that President Hassan Rouhani will not meet with U.S. President Donald Trump at the United Nations, unless sanctions on Iran are lifted.^[146]

Gulf of Oman incidents and further rise in tensions

In May 2019, U.S.-Iran tensions rose after four ships were attacked near the UAE port of Fujairah, with Iran or its proxies suspected. The U.S. sent military warnings and considered deploying 120,000 troops. On 14 May, both countries downplayed war, but Houthi rebels, linked to Iran, attacked a Saudi pipeline. The U.S. then withdrew non-essential staff from Iraq. On 24 May, the U.S. deployed 1,500 more troops to the Gulf. Despite this, Iran complied with the nuclear deal, and both countries showed willingness to negotiate, though conditions remained tense.

Following a second incident on June 17 in the Gulf of Oman in which two oil tankers caught fire after allegedly being attacked by limpet mines or by flying objects, the U.S. announced the deployment of 1,000 additional soldiers to the Middle East.^[147]

Drone incidents and cyber retaliation

Tensions between the U.S. and Iran escalated significantly in June 2019. On June 20, Iran shot down a U.S. RQ-4A Global Hawk drone, claiming it had violated Iranian airspace.^[149] The U.S. denied this, stating it was in international airspace.^[150] President Trump initially ordered a retaliatory military strike but canceled it after learning about potential casualties.^[151] In retaliation, the U.S. conducted cyberattacks on Iran’s missile control systems.^[152] On June 24, Trump imposed new sanctions on Iranian leadership, including Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Iran, meanwhile, refused to negotiate unless the sanctions were lifted. The U.S. continued to deploy military assets to the region, including fighter jets.

On July 18, according to the Pentagon, USS Boxer took defensive action against an Iranian drone that had closed with the ship in the Persian Gulf to approximately 1,000 yards (910 m) and jammed the drone, causing downing of the aircraft.^[153] Iran's Deputy Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi denied any of the country's drones had been brought down.^[154] Iran showed footage of the USS Boxer in a move to disprove Donald Trump's claims that the US shot down an Iranian drone in the Gulf.^[155]

On 15 September 2019, Iran rejected American accusations of conducting drone attacks on Saudi Arabia's oil fields. Iran also warned that it is ready for a "full-fledged" war.^[156]

November 2019 Iran gasoline price protests

On November 15, 2019, Iran raised gasoline prices by 50%, leading to violent protests across the country, with demonstrators calling for President Hassan Rouhani's resignation. The price hikes were driven by worsening economic conditions, partly due to U.S. sanctions. In response, the U.S. expressed support for the protesters and condemned the Iranian government. On December 3, 2019, President Trump, during a NATO summit in London, claimed that the Iranian authorities were "killing perhaps thousands and thousands of people" amid the unrest.

K-1 Air Base attack and aftermath

A major escalation occurred on 27 December 2019, when the K-1 Air Base in Iraq’s Kirkuk Governorate, which housed both U.S. and Iraqi forces, was attacked with Katyusha rockets. The strike killed a U.S. civilian contractor and injuring several Iraqi Security Forces personnel as well as four U.S. soldiers.^[157]^[158] U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo condemned the attack and blamed Iranian-backed Shi'ite militias, particularly Kata'ib Hezbollah.^[159]

That same day, Iran, Russia, and China launched a four-day naval exercise in the Gulf of Oman.^[160] According to Iranian sources, the drills were a response to recent U.S.–Saudi regional maneuvers and intended to show that Iran was not regionally isolated.^[161]^[162] In contrast, China's Ministry of National Defense described the exercise as a routine military exchange unrelated to international tensions.^[161]
In response to a series of attacks on Iraqi military bases, in particular the deadly strike on K-1 Air Base, U.S. forces launched airstrikes on 29 December targeting Kata'ib Hezbollah facilities in Iraq and Syria, despite the group's denial of involvement in the K-1 attack.^[163] The operation killed 25 militants and wounded at least 55 others.^[164] According to the U.S. Department of Defense, the strikes aimed to deter further assaults on coalition forces participating in Operation Inherent Resolve. At the time, approximately 5,000 U.S. troops were stationed in Iraq to support efforts against Islamic State remnants.^[165]^[166] Two days later, in a protest against the U.S. air strikes, the U.S embassy in Bhagdad was attacked by Iraqi Shiite militiamen and their supporters.^[167] U.S. Defense Secretary Mark T. Esper stated that the United States would carry out pre-emptive strikes against Iranian-backed groups in Iraq and Syria if there are signs they are preparing further attacks on American forces or bases in the region.^[168]

Assassination of Qasem Soleimani and aftermath

US President Donald Trump delivers a statement on Iran, January 3, 2020

On January 3, 2020, Iranian General Qasem Soleimani was killed in a U.S. drone strike near Baghdad International Airport,^[169] following an order from U.S. president Donald Trump.^[170] Soleimani was a key military leader, and head of Iran's Quds Force, a branch of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which is designated as a terrorist organization by both the United States and the European Union,^[171]^[172] and he played a central role in Iran’s regional military strategy. Prior to the attack, both Trump’s then-chief of staff Mick Mulvaney, and close advisor Senator Lindsey Graham had advised against targeting such a senior Iranian figure.^[173] President Trump justified the operation by claiming that Soleimani was planning attacks against four U.S. Embassies across the Middle East.^[174]^[175] However, U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper later clarified that while there was a perceived threat, he had not seen intelligence specifically pointing to planned embassy attacks.^[176]

On the same day as the Baghdad airport strike, an IRGC financier and key commander, Abdulreza Shahlai was unsuccessfully targeted by U.S. drones in Yemen,^[177] which killed another Quds Force operative instead.^[178] Shahlai had previously been linked to the killing of five American soldiers in Karbala in 2007.^[179] According to the Washington Post the strike suggested the operation may have aimed to weaken IRGC leadership more broadly, rather than solely prevent an imminent threat.^[180]

Shortly after Soleimani's assassination, Trump deployed an additional 3,000 troops to the Middle East, in addition to 14,000 already stationed there since May the previous year.^[181] In retaliation to the assassination, Iran vowed "severe revenge" and launched missiles at U.S. military bases in Iraq on January 7. Despite the missile strikes, no casualties were reported. Additionally, Iran issued an arrest warrant for 36 U.S. officials, including President Trump, for their role in Soleimani's killing.^[182] The attack on Ukraine International Airlines Flight 752, which was accidently shot down by the IRGC, further intensified the crisis.

Amid fears of a direct confrontation between the two nations, Trump warned Iran on 4 January against attacking U.S. assets or any Americans in the region. He threatened that in the event of an Iranian attack, the U.S. would target 52 Iranian sites, including cultural sites, which represented the 52 hostages taken by Iran in 1979, and would strike "very fast and very hard".^[183] The White House officially notified the U.S. Congress about the killing of Qassem Soleimani, in accordance with the 1973 War Powers Resolution, a day after the assassination had occurred.^[184] Meanwhile, thousands of people in cities across the U.S. participated in antiwar demonstrations against a new conflict in the Middle East.^[185]

March 11 attack and retaliation

Washington officials claimed in mid March 2020 that an Iran-backed militia group attacked a US^[186] military base in Iraq, which killed two American soldiers and a British soldier. Later, during the same week,^[187] the US military launched a missile strike against Kata'ib Hezbollah in Iraq, which led to the killing of militiamen, a civilian present at the base, along with five Iraqi servicemen. In retaliation, rockets again struck near the Green Zone of the US Embassy in Baghdad.^[188]

New exchange of words after Iran's Supreme Leader Speech

On 17 January 2020, after Iran attacked two U.S. military bases in Iraq, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei reappeared, after eight years, in Tehran Friday Prayer and defended the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and said "... The day that tens of millions in Iran and hundreds of thousands in Iraq and other countries came to the streets to honor the blood of the Quds Force commander, shaping the biggest farewell of the world,"^[189] Ayatollah Khamenei said. "Nothing can do that except of the powerful hand of God." he added "The IRGC's reaction was a military blow, but even beyond, it was a blow to the U.S. image as a superpower."^[190] Donald Trump replied in tweets, Khamenei "should be very careful with his words!".^[191]^[192]

COVID-19 pandemic

Iran's President Hassan Rouhani wrote a public letter to world leaders asking for help on 14 March 2020, saying his country was struggling to fight the outbreak due to lack of access to international markets as a result of the United States sanctions against Iran.^[193] Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei claimed that the virus was genetically targeted at Iranians by the US, and this is why it is seriously affecting Iran. He did not offer any evidence.^[194]^[195]

U.S. President Donald Trump said he would be willing to provide coronavirus aid, such as ventilators, to Iran to help deal with the COVID-19 pandemic.^[196]

Military satellite

The Noor-1 aircraft flew into orbit on a multi-stage rocket and was launched from the Shahroud missile range in northern Iran.^[197] While not a present threat to the United States and other Iranian adversaries, the completion of the mission confirms the technical competency of the nascent Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).^[198]

Though lauded by the Tasnim News Agency as a national "milestone," the Islamic Republic is not inexperienced in space exploration and, particularly, low-earth orbit operations. In both 2009, 2015, and 2017, Iran sent, respectively, the Omid, Fajr, and Simorgh satellites into orbit.^[199]

Despite recent setbacks with high-ranking assassinations and pandemic resistance, the 2020 launch sends a clear message to all Middle Eastern and transoceanic powers: Iran continues to make progress in its quest for regional supremacy and advanced domestic and military technology.^[199] Mounting pressure in the last decade has U.S. military and political leaders fearful of Iran's capability of creating ballistic-carrying spacecraft.^[199] U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo disapproved of Iran's successful launch, stating that it proves that the space program is "neither peaceful nor entirely civilian," but the Trump administration, supposedly, "never believed this fiction."^[200]^[201] During a press conference on 22 April, Pompeo said: "The Iranians have consistently said that these missile programs were disconnected from their military, that these were purely commercial enterprises. I think today's launch proves what we've been saying all along here in the United States: The IRGC, a designated terrorist organization, launched a missile today."^[201]

Iran ships fuel to Venezuela

In May 2020, five Iranian tankers carrying millions of dollars worth of petrol and similar products were sailed to Venezuela, as part of a wider deal between the two US-sanctioned nations amid heightened tensions between Tehran and Washington. The tankers' voyage came after Venezuela's president Nicolás Maduro had already turned to Iran for help flying in chemicals needed at an aging refinery amid a petrol shortage, a symptom of the wider economic and political chaos gripping Latin America's one-time largest oil producer.^[202]

The U.S. was seeking to seize Iranian tankers sailing toward Venezuela with oil and gasoline supplied by Iran, the latest attempt to disrupt ever-closer trade ties between the two heavily sanctioned anti-American allies. Reports suggested four US Navy warships were in the Caribbean for a 'possible confrontation with Iran's tankers'.^[203]

Following the US threat, in a letter to United Nations chief António Guterres, Mohammad Javad Zarif warned against "America's movements in deploying its navy to the Caribbean in order to intervene and create disruption in [the] transfer of Iran's fuel to Venezuela". He said any such action would be "illegal and a form of piracy" adding that the US would be responsible for "the consequences", according to a foreign ministry statement.^[202]

On 25 May 2020, Venezuela welcomed the arrival of the first of five Iranian tankers carrying gasoline, providing urgently needed fuel to the country amid a severe crisis. The rest of Iranian oil tankers arrived to their destination shortly without any disruption. The gasoline shipments arrived in defiance of strict U.S. sanctions imposed by the Trump administration on both nations, marking a new stage in the deepening relationship between Venezuela and Iran.^[204]

Iranian bounty program

In August 2020, U.S. intelligence officials assessed that Iran offered bounties to the Taliban-linked Haqqani network to kill foreign servicemembers, including Americans, in Afghanistan.^[205]^[206] U.S. intelligence determined that Iran paid bounties to Taliban insurgents for the 2019 attack on Bagram airport.^[207] According to CNN, Donald Trump's administration has "never mentioned Iran's connection to the bombing, an omission current and former officials said was connected to the broader prioritization of the peace agreement and withdrawal from Afghanistan."^[205]

2020 United States presidential election

During the 2020 United States presidential election, Iran, along with China and Russia, was suspected of foreign interference in the election. When asked by moderator Kristen Welker about how intelligence officials recently uncovered evidence of Iranian interference in the election during the 2020 United States presidential debates, Democratic candidate Joe Biden responded that Iran would "pay a price" for interfering in the election.^[208]

Following Biden's victory against incumbent Donald Trump, Iran's President Hassan Rouhani said that Biden's administration has a chance to "compensate for previous mistakes".^[209]

US-based 'terrorist' leader arrested by Iran

On 1 August 2020 Iranian security forces detained US-based Iranian monarchist Jamshid Sharmahd. He was suspected of masterminding the 2008 Shiraz mosque bombing which killed 14 people and wounded 215.^[210] Iran claimed Jamshid Sharmahd, the head of pro-monarchy militant group Tondar, "directed armed and terrorist acts in Iran from America". Iran views Tondar (Persian for thunder) also known as the Kingdom Assembly of Iran, as a terrorist organization. The authorities have asserted links between the group and several people in connection to the 2008 bombing.^[211]

Assassination of Abu Muhammad al-Masri

On 7 August 2020 Abu Muhammad al-Masri, second-in-command leader of Al-Qaeda, while driving his car in the Pasdaran neighborhood of Tehran, Iran, was shot to death by Israeli agents.^[212]^[213] On January 12, 2021, Mike Pompeo confirmed his death,^[214] although no further proof was given from either side.

Biden administration 2021-2025

Early diplomatic positions and regional tensions

Joe Biden's secretary of state Antony Blinken told the Senate that he wanted a "longer and stronger" nuclear deal with Iran.^[215] Blinken asserted that a new nuclear agreement also could address Iran's "destabilising activities" in the region.^[216]

As Iran continued to struggle with the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2021, the government repeatedly urged the Biden administration to lift sanctions. Strict financial measures imposed by the previous Trump administration had negatively impacted Iranian economies.^[217]

Tensions remained high in the region. Following a militia-organized rocket attack in Erbil, Iraq, which wounded four American contractors and one soldier, in February 2021 the United States Military conducted airstrikes on Iran-backed militias in Syria, including Kata'ib Hezbollah.^[218]

Nuclear negotiations begin

Over 220 US Congress leaders endorsed House Resolution 118 in April 2021, expressing support for "the Iranian people’s desire for a democratic, secular, and non-nuclear republic of Iran" and condemning "violations of human rights and state-sponsored terrorism".^[219] Around the same time, signatories of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) met in Vienna in an effort to bring both the United States and Iran back into compliance with the nuclear agreement. U.S. and Iranian officials participated in so-called proximity talks in order to exchange views on how to return to the considered deal. Both sides downplayed expectations for rapid progress, insisting that the other should resume their commitments first. Talks continued even after an explosion at Iran's Natanz nuclear facility, blamed on Israel, to which Iran responded by increasing uranium enrichment to 60% purity, its highest level to date.^[220]
Diplomatic tensions remained unresolved in late 2021, with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken stating that military intervention to prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons could not be ruled out.^[221]^[222] Around the same time, Iran imposed sanctions on former U.S. President Donald Trump, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and eight others for their alleged roles in the 2020 killing of Major General Qasem Soleimani. Iran also requested their arrest through Interpol. President Ebrahim Raisi stated that Trump, Pompeo, and others must be tried in a "fair court".^[223]

Regional cooperation and missile strikes

To bolster regional coordination, the United States, Israel, Bahrain, Egypt, Morocco, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) established the Negev Summit in March 2022. Its objective was to deter Iran, as well as to pursue other objectives not connected to defense. Clandestinely, the United States convened military officers from Bahrain, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE in the same month to discuss and tackle Iran's drone and missile capabilities.^[220] Just days later, Iran launched a dozen ballistic missiles toward Erbil, the capital of Iraq’s autonomous Kurdish region. It was an unprecedented strike that appeared to be aimed at U.S. interests and their allies.^[224] General Frank McKenzie, the departing CENTCOM head, testified before the U.S. Senate Armed Services committee that Iraq remained the most vulnerable point for the United States in the Middle East. He expressed growing concern over Iran’s advancing ballistic missile program, long-range drones, and expanding arsenal, all of which posed significant threats to regional stability.^[225]^[226]
In January 2022, as part of its response to Soleimani's assassination, Iran imposed sanctions on 52 U.S. officials, many of them military figures. Among those targeted were Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mark Milley, CENTCOM chief Kenneth McKenzie, Pentagon officials, and commanders at various U.S. bases in the region.^[223]

Stalled negotiations and diplomatic pressure

Iran's Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian stated that a short-term resurrection of a 2015 nuclear deal remained possible if the US demonstrated pragmatism in the Vienna negotiations, which had been ongoing for nearly a year.^[227] Echoing that sentiment, White House National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan affirmed that the United States was still pursuing a diplomatic resolution to Iran’s nuclear ambitions. However, he warned that if diplomacy failed, Washington would work with international partners to intensify pressure on Iran.^[228] Secretary of State Antony Blinken also emphasized U.S. commitment to preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon. He noted that the United States would work closely with Israel toward that goal, despite ongoing disagreements between the two countries regarding Iran’s nuclear program.^[229]

Following a series of missile attacks attributed to Iran-backed proxies against countries in the region, the United States imposed sanctions on an Iranian procurement agent and his affiliated companies, accusing them of supporting Iran’s ballistic missile program.^[230] Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Saeed Khatibzadeh accused the United States of continuing to violate a United Nations resolution that affirmed the 2015 nuclear agreement, despite American claims to the contrary.^[231]

Collapse of talks and retaliatory sanctions

By early April 2022, negotiations in Vienna aimed at restoring the 2015 nuclear deal had stalled, with no breakthrough after months of indirect talks.^[232] In response, an Iranian foreign ministry spokeswoman accused the United States of causing the impasse.^[233] Days later, Iran imposed sanctions on 15 additional U.S. officials, including former Army Chief of Staff George Casey and former President Donald Trump's attorney Rudy Giuliani.^[234] Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi reaffirmed Iran’s right to develop its nuclear industry for peaceful purposes and called on all parties involved in the negotiations to respect that right.^[235] Around the same time, Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian stated that U.S. President Joe Biden should lift certain sanctions as a sign of good faith toward restarting the nuclear agreement.^[236]

Soleimani-related threats and diplomatic impasse

Tensions deepened in April 2022 when a senior commander in Iran’s Revolutionary Guards declared that even the assassination of all American leaders would not be sufficient to avenge the U.S. killing of Qassem Soleimani, who was commander of the Quds Force at the time of his death in 2020.^[237] About a week later, a senior Iranian figure warned that Iran would not abandon plans to avenge Soleimani’s death, despite what Iranian officials described as “frequent proposals” from the U.S. to ease sanctions and offer concessions.^[238] The United States stated that if Iran sought sanctions relief beyond the terms of the 2015 deal, such as the delisting of the Revolutionary Guards as a terrorist organization, it would also need to address American concerns that go extending the nuclear issue.^[239]

Shift in U.S. position and continued sanctions

By May 2022, the United States signaled that it was prepared for either outcome: a return to mutual compliance with the 2015 nuclear deal or a continued absence of agreement.^[240] The same month the U.S. imposed sanctions on Iran’s Revolutionary Guards’ Quds Force, accusing it of participating in a Russian-backed oil smuggling and money laundering network.^[241] Additional sanctions followed in June, targeting Chinese and Emirati companies, as well as a network of Iranian firms, accused of facilitating the sale of Iranian petrochemicals. The action aimed to pressure Tehran to return to the 2015 nuclear deal.^[242]
Efforts to resolve the diplomatic impasse continued. At the end of June, EU envoy Enrique Mora tweeted that indirect talks between Tehran and Washington in Qatar had concluded without the progress the European team had hoped for.^[243] Meanwhile, U.S. sanctions expanded. In early July, a second round targeted additional Chinese, Emirati, and other companies allegedly involved in the delivery and sale of Iranian oil and petrochemicals to East Asia.^[244]

Arab–Israeli alliance and Iranian backlash

Plans for a U.S.-supported Arab–Israeli alliance, primarily aimed at deterring Iran’s political and military ambitions, became public in July. Iran responded by warning that such an alliance would only heighten regional tensions.^[245]^[246] Days later, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Nasser Kanaani stated that peace and stability in the Middle East would remain elusive so long as Washington prioritized the security of what he called “the fake state of Israel.”^[247] In a further escalation, Iran announced sanctions against 61 additional Americans, including former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, for their support of an Iranian dissident group.^[248]

Disclosure and escalations

In June 2023, CNN reported a tape of former President Donald Trump discussing and appearing to show off classified documents pertaining to a hypothetical plan for the U.S. to invade Iran. The comments were made in the presence of two Trump aides and a writer and publisher working on former White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows' memoir. The tape was cited in Trump's federal indictment.^[249]

A series of incidents in mid-2023 drew attention to maritime security in the region. In July, the U.S. Naval Forces Central Command reported that it had prevented Iran from seizing two commercial tankers in the region.^[250]^[251] The following month, around 3,000 U.S. military personnel were deployed to the Red Sea in response to Iran's seizure of several civilian ships. Iran condemned the deployment, characterizing it as a source of regional instability.^[252]

September 2023 prisoner release deal

Iran claimed in March 2023 that a prisoner swap agreement was made between Iran and the United States, though the U.S. denied it at the time.^[253]^[254] In August 2023, the United States and Iran reached a tentative agreement to exchange five American prisoners held in Iran for five Iranians detained in the U.S., alongside the release of approximately $6 billion in frozen Iranian oil funds held in South Korea.^[255] The funds were transferred to Qatar, with the understanding that they would be used solely for humanitarian purposes.^[256] The deal, finalized in early September after months of indirect negotiations,^[257] marked the first significant diplomatic breakthrough between the two countries since the U.S. withdrawal from the JCPOA by the Trump administration in 2018.^[258] Upon release of the five detainees from Iranian prisons, Secretary Antony Blinken commented in a press statement. "It's easy in the work that we do every day sometimes to get lost in the abstractions of foreign policy and relations with other countries, and forgetting the human element that's at the heart of everything we do." He also thanked his political partners during the challenging negotiations, particularly in Oman, Switzerland, Qatar and the United Kingdom.^[259]

The prisoners were released and transferred on 18 and 19 September 2023. The five Iranian-Americans released by Iran were Siamak Namazi, Emad Shargi, Morad Tahbaz and two who were not identified. The five released in the U.S. were Mehrdad Moin-Ansari, Kambiz Attar-Kashani, Reza Sarhangpour-Kafrani, Amin Hassanzadeh and Kaveh L. Afrasiabi; two would return to Iran, one would join his family in another country, and two would remain in the U.S. at their request.^[260]^[261]^[262]

Allegations of Iranian influence in Iraq

In June 2024, U.S. Representative Mike Waltz publicly identified Iraq’s Chief Justice Faiq Zaidan as an agent under Iranian control, advancing Tehran’s agenda within Iraq, and introduced a legislative amendment to officially label him as a tool of Iranian influence. Waltz accused Zaidan of playing a pivotal role in Iran’s strategy to transform Iraq into a client state exploited for terrorism, warning that Iraq risks falling under Iran’s domination. The U.S. State Department echoed these concerns, emphasizing that Iran’s interference threatens Iraq’s democratic institutions, national stability, and security.^[263]^[264]

The allegations against Faiq Zaidan as an Iranian-controlled asset stem from his longstanding defense of Iran-backed militias and allies. Notably, Zaidan refused to convict Iran-backed forces responsible for the killing of 800 Iraqi protesters in 2019, and played a key role in dissolving a corruption investigation committee targeting pro-Iranian officials in 2022. Furthermore, Zaidan overturned the last elections in Iraq and required the government to be fully run by Iran-backed actors.^[265]^[266]

Attacks on US bases in the Middle East

Following the start of the Gaza war in October 2023, Iran-backed militias conducted a series of attacks on US bases in the Middle East in response for the US's support of Israel.^[267]^[268] These attacks resulted in injuries to dozens of US service members. In retaliation, the US launched multiple counterattacks, resulting in the death of about 65 militants.^[269]

In November 2023, Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei stated in a speech that the US has failed to accomplish its goal of creating "a New Middle East" and achieve its political objectives in the region.^[270] He said: "US plans for forming 'a New Middle East' have failed: They planned to eliminate Hezbollah, but it's 10 times stronger now. They failed to devour Iraq and Syria, and they failed to settle the Palestinian dispute for the benefit of the usurper regime [Israel] using a devious '2-state' solution."^[270]^[271] He added that Operation "Al-Aqsa Flood" led by Hamas was a "historic event" that aimed to achieve "de-Americanization" of the region. He also expressed hope for the "elimination" of US influence in the region.^[270]^[271]

Early February 2024, militia attacks against US forces were halted.^[272]

2024 United States presidential election

In August 2024, American presidential candidate Donald Trump attributed the hacking of his election campaign to Iran. His campaign team issued a statement claiming that the "Iranian government has stolen and distributed sensitive internal documents". The charge followed Microsoft's report that detailed foreign attempts to interfere in this year's presidential election. A spokesman for the National Security Council said it takes any report of foreign interference "extremely seriously" and condemns any attempt to undermine U.S. democratic institutions. Iran's Permanent Mission to the United Nations in New York announced in an email that "the Iranian government has neither the intention nor the motivation to interfere in the American presidential election, nor does it have it in mind."^[273]

In September 2024, U.S. agencies claim Iranian hackers sent stolen Trump campaign material to individuals linked to Biden's re-election team, aiming to disrupt the U.S. election. While Iran denies the allegations, officials assert this is part of broader efforts to undermine electoral confidence.^[274]

Iran's Foreign Ministry rejected a U.S. Homeland Security report from 2 October 2024, that accused Iran of using AI to meddle in U.S. elections, labeling the allegations as unfounded and politically motivated. The U.S. report warned that Iran, China, and Russia might use AI to sow division ahead of the November elections.^[275]

In November 2024, the US Justice Department revealed that the Iranian government had hired a man to survey and kill US President-elect Donald Trump. Iranian American journalist Masih Alinejad was also targeted. The Iranian efforts were described by the Justice Department as "ongoing efforts by Iran to target U.S. government officials, including Trump, on U.S. soil". The director of the FBI said Iran was targeting leaders and dissidents who criticized the Iranian government. ^[5]^[6]

In his first meeting with Trump, Joe Biden called Iran the most immediate threat.^[276] According to The Wall Street Journal, Iranian regime gave the United States written assurance it would not try to assassinate President Donald Trump.^[277]

Trump ally Elon Musk reportedly met with Iran's Ambassador to the U.N. and "discussed ways to defuse tensions".^[278] Iran officially denied claims of a secret meeting between Musk and its UN envoy.^[279]^[280]^[281]

An Iranian Board of Directors of the Islamic Consultative Assembly member called establishing nuclear deterrent against Trump and Israel essential.^[282]

Trump administration, second term 2025-present

In February 2025, Trump said he had given United States Military and his advisors instructions to obliterate Iran if he were to be assassinated.^[283] He signed the return of the Maximum pressure campaign against the Iranian government.^[284] Trump called for talks for Nuclear peace agreement.^[285] In February 7th prayer Iranian Leader Khamenei dismissed negotiations and warned Iranian government not to make a deal with US.^[286] February 9th Trump threatened that he rather Iranians would make a deal than be bombed by Israel.^[287]^[288] In March khamenei claimed he does not intend to go to negotiations with Trump.^[289] IRGC General Salami threteaned United States military with devastation.^[290] POTUS Trump threatened he would hold Iranian regime to blame for any shots fired by Houthis.^[291]

Putin and Trump reached an agreement that Iran should never be in a position to destroy Israel.^[292]

In April, Ali Larijani, advisor to Khamenei, threatened Trump that Iran would make nuclear weapons.^[293] Islamic Republic military allegedly had recommended a preemptively strike on US military bases.^[294]

In April President Trump stated that Iranians want direct negotiations.^[295] US-Iran nuclear negotiations began on 12 April 2025.^[296]

In April 2025, U.S. Congressmen Joe Wilson and Jimmy Panetta introduced a 'Free Iraq from Iran' bill. The legislation mandates the development of a comprehensive U.S. strategy to irreversibly dismantle Iran-backed militias, including the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), and calls for the suspension of U.S. assistance to Iraq until these militias are fully removed. The bill also imposes sanctions on Iraqi political and military figures aligned with Iran, and provides support for Iraqi citizens and independent media to expose abuses committed by these militias. Its primary objective is to restore Iraq’s sovereignty and reduce Iranian dominance without resorting to direct military intervention.^[297]

Economic relations

Trade between Iran and the United States reached $623 million in 2008. According to the United States Census Bureau, American exports to Iran reached $93 million in 2007 and $537 million in 2008. American imports from Iran decreased from $148 million in 2007 to $86 million in 2008.^[298] This data does not include trade conducted through third countries to circumvent the trade embargo. It has been reported that the United States Treasury Department has granted nearly 10,000 special licenses to American companies over the past decade to conduct business with Iran.^[299]

US exports to Iran include^[when?] cigarettes (US$73 million); corn (US$68 million); chemical wood pulp, soda or sulfate (US$64 million); soybeans (US$43 million); medical equipment (US$27 million); vitamins (US$18 million); and vegetable seeds (US$12 million).^[298]

In May 2013, US President Barack Obama lifted a trade embargo of communications equipment and software to non-government Iranians.^[300] In June 2013, the Obama administration expanded its sanctions against Iran, targeting its auto industry and, for the first time, its currency.^[301]

According to a 2014 study by the National Iranian American Council, sanctions cost the US over $175 billion in lost trade and 279,000 lost job opportunities.^[302]

According to Business Monitor International:

The tentative rapprochement between Iran and the US, which began in the second half of 2013, has the potential to become a world-changing development, and unleash tremendous geopolitical and economic opportunities, if it is sustained. Tehran and Washington have been bitter enemies since 1979, when the Iranian Revolution overthrew the pro-American Shah and replaced him with a virulently anti-American Islamist regime. Since then, Iran has been at the vanguard of countries actively challenging the US-led world order. This has led to instability in the Middle East, and Iran's relative isolation in international affairs. Yet, if Iran and the US were to achieve a diplomatic breakthrough, geopolitical tensions in the Middle East could decline sharply, and Iran could come to be perceived as a promising emerging market in its own right.^[303]

On 22 April 2019, under the Trump administration, the U.S. demanded that buyers of Iranian oil stop purchases or face economic penalties, announcing that the six-month sanction exemptions for China, India, Japan, South Korea and Turkey instated a year prior would not be renewed and would end by 1 May. The move was seen as an attempt to completely stifle Iran's oil exports. Iran insisted the sanctions were illegal and that it had attached "no value or credibility" to the waivers. U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said President Trump's decision not to renew the waivers showed his administration was "dramatically accelerating our pressure campaign in a calibrated way that meets our national security objectives while maintaining well supplied global oil markets".^[304] On 30 April, Iran stated it would continue to export oil despite U.S. pressure.^[305]

On 8 May 2019, exactly one year after the Trump administration withdrew the United States from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the U.S. imposed a new layer of duplicate sanctions on Iran, targeting its metal exports, a sector that generates 10 percent of its export revenue. The move came amid escalating tension in the region and just hours after Iran threatened to start enriching more uranium if it did not get relief from U.S. measures that are crippling its economy. The Trump administration has said the sanctions will only be lifted if Iran fundamentally changes its behavior and character.^[306]

On 24 June 2019, following continued escalations in the Strait of Hormuz, President Donald Trump announced new targeted sanctions against Iranian and IRGC leadership, including Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and his office. IRGC targets included Naval commander Alireza Tangsiri, Aerospace commander Amir Ali Hajizadeh, and Ground commander Mohammad Pakpour, and others.^[307]^[308] U.S. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said the sanctions will block "billions" in assets.^[309]

The US Treasury Department Financial Crimes Enforcement Network imposed a measure that further prohibits the US banking system from use by an Iranian bank, thereby requiring US banks to step up due diligence on the accounts in their custody.^[310]

The US Department of Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) blacklisted four Iranian metal sector organizations along with their foreign subsidiaries, on 23 July 2020. One German subsidiary and three in the United Arab Emirates – owned and controlled by Iran's biggest steel manufacturer, Mobarakeh Steel Company – were also blacklisted by Washington for yielding millions of dollars for Iran's aluminum, steel, iron, and copper sectors. The sanctions froze all US assets controlled by the companies in question and further prohibited Americans from associating with them.^[311]^[312]

On October 8, 2020, the U.S. Treasury Department placed sanctions on 18 Iranian banks. Any American connection to these banks is to be blocked and reported to the Office of Foreign Assets Control, and, 45 days after the sanctions take effect, anyone transacting with these banks may "be subject to an enforcement action." Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said the goal was to pressure Iran to end nuclear activities and terrorist funding.^[313]

On 30 October 2020, it was revealed that the US had "seized Iranian missiles shipped to Yemen", and it had "sold 1.1 million barrels of previously seized Iranian oil that was bound for Venezuela" in two shipments: the Liberia-flagged Euroforce and Singapore-flagged Maersk Progress, and sanctioned 11 new Iranian entities.^[314]

Footnotes

^ Arab leaders saw Iran as the biggest threat to regional peace, according to diplomatic cables that were leaked in 2010. Despite this, they refused to speak publicly, privately warning US officials that doing so would put them in danger of domestic unrest.(see Trager, Eric. "Behind the Arabs' Iran double talk". New York Post.) According to the cables, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain were in favor of a military strike against Iran to halt its nuclear development.(See "Wikileaks Exposed Iran's Weak Foreign Policies, Says Opposition". Haaretz.)
^ See for example 2008 Annual Arab Public Opinion Poll, which says Arab people in six countries believe that Iran has the right to have its nuclear program and should not be pressured to stop this program.

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External links

Timeline – The New York Times
Virtual Embassy of the United States in Iran
Articles and debates about Iran by Council on Foreign Relations
US-Iran Relations by parstimes.com

Videos

On The Same Page: America's Middle East Allies and Regional Threats - Foundation for Defense of Democracies — 1/15/2021
- UAE Minister of State Yousef Al Otaiba
- Bahrain Ambassador to U.S. Rashid al-Khalifa
- Israel Ambassador to US Ron Dermer

[49] Arab leaders saw Iran as the biggest threat to regional peace, according to diplomatic cables that were leaked in 2010. Despite this, they refused to speak publicly, privately warning US officials that doing so would put them in danger of domestic unrest.(see Trager, Eric. "Behind the Arabs' Iran double talk". New York Post.) According to the cables, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain were in favor of a military strike against Iran to halt its nuclear development.(See "Wikileaks Exposed Iran's Weak Foreign Policies, Says Opposition". Haaretz.)

[50] See for example 2008 Annual Arab Public Opinion Poll, which says Arab people in six countries believe that Iran has the right to have its nuclear program and should not be pressured to stop this program.

[Ansari_2006-1] Ansari, Ali M. (2006). "United States and the Islamic Republic". Confronting Iran: The Failure of American Foreign Policy and the Roots of Mistrust. Bloomsbury, London: Hurst Publishers. pp. 93–145. ISBN 9781850658092.

[2] "Interests Section of the Islamic Republic of Iran". Archived from the original on 2010-06-26. Retrieved 2010-06-27.

[3] Embassy of Switzerland in Iran – Foreign Interests Section Archived 2018-10-22 at the Wayback Machine, Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (page visited on 4 April 2015).

[Staff-4] "Iran's Khamenei bans holding direct talks with United States: TV". Reuters. Archived from the original on 2020-01-04. Retrieved 2018-08-14.

[JD-5] "Justice Department brings criminal charges in Iranian murder-for-hire plan targeting Donald Trump". AP News. 2024-11-08. Retrieved 2025-01-05.

[KD-6] Rabinowitz, Hannah (2024-11-08). "DOJ announces charges in Iranian plot to kill Donald Trump | CNN Politics". CNN. Retrieved 2025-01-05.

[7] Jenkins, Philip (2006). Decade of Nightmares: The End of the Sixties and the Making of Eighties America: The End of the Sixties and the Making of Eighties America p. 153. Oxford University Press, US. ISBN 978-0198039723

[8] Little, Douglas (2009). American Orientalism: The United States and the Middle East since 1945. p. 145. Univ of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0807877616

[9] Murray, Donette (2009). US Foreign Policy and Iran: American–Iranian Relations Since the Islamic Revolution p. 8. Routledge. ISBN 978-1135219895

[ABC-CLIO-10] Bayor, Ronald H. (2011). Multicultural America: An Encyclopedia of the Newest Americans (Vol. 2). ABC-CLIO. p. 1097. ISBN 978-0313357862. Retrieved 7 January 2016.

[11] Q&A With the Head of Iran's New America's Desk Archived 2020-01-04 at the Wayback Machine online.wsj.com April 1, 2009

[12] Reading Khamenei: The World View of Iran's Most Powerful Leader, by Karim Sadjadpour March 2008 Archived 2019-10-27 at the Wayback Machine p. 20
It is natural that our Islamic system should be viewed as an enemy and an intolerable rival by such an oppressive power as the United States, which is trying to establish a global dictatorship and further its own interests by dominating other nations and trampling on their rights. It is also clear that the conflict and confrontation between the two is something natural and unavoidable. [Address by Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of Iran, to students at Shahid Beheshti University, May 12, 2003]

[13] The New Republic, Charm Offensive, by Laura Secor, April 1, 2009
To give up this trump card—the non-relationship with the United States, the easy evocation of an external bogeyman—would be costly for the Iranian leadership. It would be a Gorbachevian signal that the revolution is entering a dramatically new phase—one Iran's leaders cannot be certain of surviving in power.

[14] Gardner, Frank (2019-11-07). "Iran's network of influence in Mid-East 'growing'". Archived from the original on 2020-01-12. Retrieved 2020-01-11.

[15] "The Iranian Hostage Crisis - Short History - Department History - Office of the Historian". history.state.gov. Archived from the original on 2024-04-09. Retrieved 2020-01-11.

[16] "History of Iran: Islamic Revolution of 1979". Archived from the original on 29 June 2011. Retrieved 2 April 2016.

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v t e Iran–United States relations
Diplomatic posts	Embassy of Iran, Washington, D.C. Ambassadors of Iran to the United States Embassy of the United States, Tehran Ambassadors of the United States to Iran Interests Section of Iran in the United States Consulate-General of the United States, Tabriz Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs Iran–United States Claims Tribunal Iranian Directorate Iran Syria Policy and Operations Group
Diplomacy	Persian Corridor Persian Gulf Command Nationalization of the Iranian oil industry 1953 Iranian coup d'état Abadan Crisis Timeline Treaty of Amity, Economic Relations and Consular Rights Exercise Delawar Project Dark Gene Safari Club Island of Stability Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's letter to George W. Bush Correspondence between Barack Obama and Ali Khamenei Phone conversation between Barack Obama and Hassan Rouhani Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action Negotiations Joint Plan of Action Framework Reactions Criticism Aftermath U.S. withdrawal Donald Trump's letter to Ali Khamenei US-Iran talks
Conflicts	Iran–Iraq War United States support for Iraq Bridgeton incident Iran Air Flight 655 Iran Ajr Iran–Contra affair Operation Staunch Operation Eager Glacier Operation Earnest Will Operation Prime Chance Operation Nimble Archer Operation Praying Mantis Syrian civil war Yemeni Civil War Arab–Israeli alliance Abraham Accords February 2019 Warsaw Conference Iran–Israel proxy conflict Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict Russia–Syria–Iran–Iraq coalition International Maritime Security Construct Assassination of Qasem Soleimani reactions Thirteen revenge scenarios Donald Trump's threat for the destruction of Iranian cultural sites Operation Martyr Soleimani 2020 Camp Taji attacks
Incidents after 1979	Assassination of Paul R. Shaffer and John H. Turner Iranian revolution Iran hostage crisis Timeline Guadeloupe Conference Operation Credible Sport Operation Eagle Claw Canadian Caper Jimmy Carter's engagement with Ruhollah Khomeini 1980 October Surprise theory Negotiations Algiers Accords America can't do a damn thing against us Beirut barracks bombings Khobar Towers bombing Lawrence Franklin espionage scandal Disappearance of Robert Levinson United States kill or capture strategy in Iraq United States raid on the Iranian Liaison Office in Erbil Kidnapping of Jalal Sharafi 2008 Naval dispute Filipino Monkey Project Cassandra Detention of American hikers United States diplomatic cables leak 2011 alleged Iran assassination plot Strait of Hormuz dispute RQ-170 incident MV Maersk Tigris 2016 Naval incident Nuclear program of Iran Timeline P5+1 Operation Merlin Charming Kitten Stuxnet Kidnapping of Hossein Alikhani Arrest of Meng Wanzhou Deportation of Iranian students at US airports May 2019 Gulf of Oman incident June 2019 Gulf of Oman incident 2019 Iranian shoot-down of American drone 2019 K-1 Air Base attack December 2019 United States airstrikes in Iraq and Syria Attack on the United States embassy in Baghdad 2020 Iran explosions 2021 Erbil rocket attacks 2021 Natanz incident February 2021 United States airstrike in Syria Leaked Mohammad Javad Zarif audiotape June 2021 United States airstrike in Syria July 2021 Gulf of Oman incident August 2021 Gulf of Oman incident 2021 U.S.–Iran naval incident 2022 Erbil missile attacks 2023 Northeastern Syria clashes Seizure of Suez Rajan and St Nikolas Attacks on US bases in Iraq, Jordan, and Syria during the Israel–Hamas war 2024 Erbil attack Tower 22 drone attack Iranian interference in the 2024 United States elections
Legislation	United States sanctions against Iran Maximum pressure campaign Executive Order 12170 Executive Order 12172 Executive Order 13769 reactions Trump travel ban Executive Order 13780 Executive Order 13876 Iran and Libya Sanctions Act Iran Nonproliferation Act Iran, North Korea, Syria Nonproliferation Act Iran Freedom and Support Act Iran Sanctions Enhancement Act Kyl–Lieberman Amendment Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act Public Law 113-100 Iran Nuclear Agreement Review Act Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act Dames & Moore v. Regan United States Diplomatic and Consular Staff in Tehran Oil Platforms case United States v. Banki Bank Markazi v. Peterson Certain Iranian Assets Rubin v. Islamic Republic of Iran Alleged violations of Treaty of Amity
Groups and individuals	Iran Action Group Iran–America Society Iranian Students Association in the United States National Iranian American Council Organization of Iranian American Communities United Against Nuclear Iran Farashgard Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Jundallah Kingdom Assembly of Iran National Council of Iran National Council of Resistance of Iran People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran Elliott Abrams Kaveh L. Afrasiabi Howard Baskerville William J. Fallon Brian Hook Joseph Macmanus Robert Malley Stephen D. Mull Erwin David Rabhan Jason Rezaian Scott Ritter Craig Wadsworth Michael R. White Roxana Saberi Saeed Abedini Saeid Aboutaleb Shahram Amiri Sirous Asgari Mahmoud Reza Banki Haleh Esfandiari Amir Mirza Hekmati Ezedin Abdel Aziz Khalil Shahrzad Mirgholikhan Mohammad Hosseini Esha Momeni Mohammad Mosaddegh Baquer Namazi Siamak Namazi Sahar Nowrouzzadeh Reza Pahlavi, Crown Prince of Iran Noor Pahlavi Trita Parsi Maryam Rajavi Abdolreza Shahlaei Ali Shakeri Masoud Soleimani Morad Tahbaz Kian Tajbakhsh Karan Vafadari Xiyue Wang Nizar Zakka Iranian Guantanamo Bay detainees Abdul Majid Muhammed
Related	1998 FIFA World Cup match Academic relations between Iran and the United States American Islam Anti-American sentiment in Iran Axis of evil CIA activities in Iran Copyright relations Death to America Dual containment Great Satan International Conference on Hollywoodism Iran and state-sponsored terrorism Iranian frozen assets Opposition to military action against Iran State Sponsor of Terrorism United States involvement in regime change United States and state-sponsored terrorism 650 Fifth Avenue Alavi Foundation Alborz High School American Institute of Iranian Studies American School of Isfahan Community School, Tehran Damavand College Iran Bethel School Iranzamin School Saint Peter Church, Tehran Tehran American School "Bomb Iran" Overthrow Not for the Faint of Heart
Category

v t e Foreign relations of Iran
Africa	Algeria Burkina Faso Egypt Gambia Ghana Kenya Libya Morocco Senegal South Africa Sudan Tunisia
Americas	Argentina Bolivia Brazil Canada Cuba Ecuador Mexico United States after 1979 Uruguay Venezuela
Asia	Afghanistan Armenia Azerbaijan Bahrain Bangladesh China Georgia History India Indonesia Iraq Israel Japan Jordan Kazakhstan Kuwait Kyrgyzstan Lebanon Malaysia North Korea Oman Pakistan Palestine Philippines Qatar Saudi Arabia South Korea Sri Lanka Syria Tajikistan Thailand Turkey Turkmenistan United Arab Emirates Uzbekistan Vietnam Yemen
Europe	Albania Belarus Bosnia and Herzegovina Croatia Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Holy See Hungary Italy Kosovo Netherlands Poland Portugal Romania Russia Serbia Spain Sweden Switzerland Ukraine United Kingdom
Oceania	Australia New Zealand
Former	Czechoslovakia Rome Yugoslavia
Multilateral relations	Arab League European Union NATO
Disputes	Nuclear program Views Iran–Israel proxy conflict Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict Arab–Israeli alliance Sanctions U.S. sanctions
Related	Ministry of Foreign Affairs Minister of Foreign Affairs Diplomatic missions of / in Iran Trade Promotion Organization of Iran Foreign direct investment in Iran Propaganda in Iran Iranian diaspora Ambassadors from Iran Foreign policy of the Masoud Pezeshkian administration